celina Posted April 3, 2007 #1 Share Posted April 3, 2007 (edited) The Swaminarayan sect is a monotheistic faith in Vaishnava Hinduism. The Swaminarayan sect itself is divided into many sub-sects. The two most prominent are BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha and the Shree Swaminarayan Sampradaya. The Shree Swaminarayan Sampradaya claims the "original" succession directly from Swaminarayan. They have two archaryas(leaders) and 2 Gadis(diocese) for North and South divisions. Shree Swaminarayan Sampradaya Sites ISSO SEVA Shri Kutch Satsang Swaminarayan Temple Swaminarayan Temple, Wheeling, IL. Shree Swaminarayan Gurukul, USA Shree Swaminarayan Temple Oldham Shree Swaminarayan Sampraday Willesden, London Shree Swaminarayan Temple Cardiff Acharya Succession Acharya Shree Koshalendraprasadji Maharaj (b. October 1971) is the current Acharya of the NarNarayan Dev Gadi of Swaminarayan Sampraday (15 October 2004–present) and the 7th Spiritual Successor of Bhagwan Swaminarayan in the North Diocese (Amdavad NarNarayan Dev Gadi) Acharya Shree Rakeshprasadji Maharaj (b. July 1966) is the current Acharya of the LaxmiNarayan Dev Gadi of Swaminarayan Sampraday (30 January 2003–present) and the 9th Spiritual Successor of Bhagwan Swaminarayan in the South Diocese (Vadtal LaxmiNarayan Dev Gadi) BAPS Spiritual Guru- Pramukh Swami Maharaj of BAPS Sect Pramukh Swami Maharaj (born December 7, 1921 in the village of Chansad in Gujarat, India) is to be the third and current spiritual leader of BAPS and is believed to be the fifth spiritual successor to Bhagwan Swaminarayan. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pramukh_Swami_Maharaj It is important to note that BAPS vs. Shree Swaminarayan Sampradaya divide is similar to the Protestant vs. Catholicism divide. Video on Swaminarayan Faith YouTube Video Swamianrayan pt.1 Swamianrayan pt.2 Swamianrayan pt.3 Edited April 5, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 3, 2007 Author #2 Share Posted April 3, 2007 (edited) http://www.swaminarayan.org/lordswaminarayan/biography/1.htm Bhagwan Swaminarayan Shri Ghanshyam Maharaj Early Days, Leaving Home Bharatvarsha - India has been graced since time immemorial by incarnations, rishis and sadhus. Whenever evil elements stifle Dharma - righteousness, God incarnates on earth to re-establish Dharma. Lord Ramchandra in the age of Treta and Lord Krishna, at the end of Dwapar, are the two most notable. Five thousand years after Lord Krishna passed away, into the age of Kali - darkness, the ogre of evil defiantly arose out of its banishment, once again darkening the minds and hearts of the people, its grip suffocating eighteenth century India. Severing vital nerves and arteries, it deprived the land of life-giving moral and spiritual nourishment; hindering healthy growth of the eternal values of Dharma, Satya - truth, Ahimsa - non-violence and Brahmacharya - celibacy. Thus He incarnated as Ghanshyam on 3rd April 1781 (Chaitra Sud 9, Samvat 1837), in the rustic village of Chhapaiya, in northern India, to a Sarvaria brahmin pundit named Hariprasad Pande. He was the second of three sons; Rampratap, the elder brother and Ichharam, the younger. His mother, Premvati was lovingly known as Bhaktimata, and father Hariprasad as Dharmadev. When Ghanshyam was three months old, a sage astrologer named Markandeya, studied His zodiac signs. He then revealed to Dharmadev, "Since He is born in the Kark Rashi (sign of Cancer in the zodiac), His name will be Hari. His dark complexion will also confer the name Krishna and Ghanshyam. He has the virtues of tapas (austerity), detachment, yoga, Dharma, leadership, truth and vivek (power of discrimination). Therefore people will also call Him Neelkanth. "He will establish Dharma on earth and remove pain and misery from people. He will be famed all over the land. He will also induce people with samadhi (a state of spiritual trance). He will lead people to the path of God." About this time, Dharmadev decided to test Ghanshyam's innate instincts. He placed a gold coin, a scripture, and a sword on the floor. On all fours, Ghanshyam toddled towards these objects; trying to lift the scripture, avoiding the other two. Dharmadev jubilantly lifted and hugged Him, deducing that He would surely attain scriptural learning. Ghanshyam's first encounter of animal slaughter for food occurred during His stay in Chhapaiya. In a town named Ballampaddhari near Chhapaiya, the state king had recently camped with his army. Two of the soldiers were Dharmadeva's relatives. Therefore Dharmadev decided to visit them with Rampratap and Ghanshyam. When they reached the encampment, they heard goats causing a commotion in one of the tents. Dharmadev peeped inside. Horrified at what he saw, he quickly turned back. But Ghanshyam, observing Dharmadev's ashen face, also walked up to the tent in curiosity. He saw the king supervising the slaughter of the goats for food. Ghanshyam walked away in pain. He then induced all the elephants and horses of the army to break tether and stampede towards the tent. The king bolted out first, and heard a mysterious and authoritative voice, which commanded him to beg forgivance for the killing, from the Lord who was standing in the form of a little boy nearby. The king saw Ghanshyam with Dharmadev and Rampratap. He bowed at Ghanshyam's feet, begging for reprieve from the maddened elephants. Ghanshyam not only made him promise to renounce animal slaughter but to propagate Ahimsa (non-injury in mind, action and speech for all living creatures) in his kingdom as well. The excited elephants and horses calmed down instantly, returning to their tethers. On another occasion, Ghanshyam revived a basketful of dead fish in a lake. He then instructed the surprised fisherman not to commit such sin by changing his means of livelihood. Having lived in Chhapaiya for a few years, the family moved to nearby Ayodhya, when Ghanshyam was five, to escape harassment from evil people. With a marked inclination for devotion and a remarkable disinterest towards material pursuits, Ghanshyam loved to visit mandirs every morning and evening. After darshan (sight) of the murtis (icons), He would listen to the narration of divine episodes from the Ramayana, for this ancient sacred city is revered as the birthplace of Lord Rama. Ghanshyam's divine disposition often startled but pleased the family. Engrossed in katha (scriptural exegesis) once, He forgot to return home. Rampratap, His elder brother searched for Him in the city's mandirs. On seeing Ghanshyam in one, he asked Him to return home with him. The katha nearly over, Ghanshyam suggested that Rampratap, in the meantime, have darshan in the neighbouring mandir while He Himself sat through to the end of the katha. Arriving at the nearest mandir, Rampratap, to his astonishment, saw Ghanshyam there as well. He then dashed from one mandir to the next. He saw his younger brother in each one! Other miracles included: walking on water across a lake, and defeating adult wrestlers in contests. At the age of seven He commenced Sanskrit studies under Dharmadev after being invested with the yagnopavit rite. By the age of ten, the child prodigy had mastered the Vedic scriptures. Around this period, He accompanied Dharmadev, who was to chair a scholarly debate in Benares - the renowned centre of knowledge (Jnan) in India. When a tie arose, Ghanshyam, with Dharmadev's permission, gave a brilliant exposition, convincing the scholars of the soundness of the Vishishtadvait philosophy (qualified non-dualism). Leaving Home Soon after returning from Benares, both parents passed away. Ghanshyam then left Ayodhya, for the Himalayas, to begin His life work of establishing Ekantik Dharma, on 29th June 1792 (Ashadh Sud 10th, Samvat 1849). He was only eleven years old. His mendicant garb consisted of only a loin cloth. He carried an icon of Bal Mukund (the Lord) and His miniature diary containing the gist of the scriptures, the result of His studies with Dharmadev. http://www.swaminarayan.org/lordswaminaray...raphy/index.htm BAPS is well know for building elaborate mandirs(temple). They're in Guinness Book of World Records for Neason Temple in London. And again for Chicago Mandir. But their biggest attraction is Akshardham Temple Complex. It's a big tourist destination. Akshardham Temple Complex Swaminarayan Info Chicago Mandir Neasden Temple Edited April 3, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 3, 2007 Author #3 Share Posted April 3, 2007 (edited) http://www.swaminarayan.org/scriptures/index.htm Swaminarayan's Scripture The Main Swaminarayan Scripture Digital Shikshapatri Site Vachanamrut Swamini Vato Main Vaishnava Hindu Scripture Bhagavad-Gita Bhagavad-gÄ«tÄ As It Is Srimad Bhagavatam Srimad Bhagavatam Mahabharata Ramayana Edited April 3, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 3, 2007 Author #4 Share Posted April 3, 2007 (edited) Info on Hinduism in general: Hinduism is a collection of religions, instead of one religion. Hinduism(or Sanatana Dharma, real name) has four major sects Vaishnavism, Saivism, Shaktism, and Smartism. Vaishnavism(most common), the worship of Lord Vishnu, or his avatars, being the biggest. Vaishnavas worship God in the form of Avatars i.e. Vishnu, Rama, Krishna etc...All Vaishnavas subscibe to the belief in a personal God, having form, having shape, and incarnate as a human being. Avatars descend into human form during time of unrighteousness, moral decay, violence, and famine. In Hinduism Avatars are descibed in scripture and predicted. Vaishnavas also believe in Nirguna Brahman or attributeless Brahman(God without form). And all Hindus in general believe in reincarnation, karma, vegetarianism, dharma, ahimsa(non-violence) and accept the Vedas as revealed scripture. Vaishnavism, (Vishnu worship[or any of the nine avatars]) majority in North India. Responsible for mainstream Hinduism. Bhagavat Gita, Srimad Bhagavatam, Mahabharata, Ramayana etc... In Vaishnavism there are dozens of sects Iskcon, BAPS Swaminarayan, Sri Vaishnava, Gaudiya Vaishnava being only some of many. Personal God In general Hinduism considers God not just as the Supreme All-powerful Gigantic One, Who commands the humanity to tread the way He/She/It says, but also a personal God Whom the individual can worship out of love and not necessarily out of fear ! The fear brings one only upto certain point and beyond that it repels, but love takes through to the point. Devotion or bhakti as often referred to is a very key concept in Hinduism, even for the philosophically inclined ones. While the shashtras - be it vedas, Agamas, purANas - describe the Glory of God, one finds abundance of stotras that praise the God in love. God is Formless or with Form ? For Hindus God, as is, is beyond any attributes of form, color, shapes ... That is, God does not have any specific form or name. In this state God is referred to as nirguNa brahman (attributeless god). However God takes forms as perceived by humans and this perceived form is called saguNa brahman (god with (good) attributes). These forms could range from calm to fierce to yogic (1). Each form has its significance. For example when one is depressed and sees the form of God Strong and Powerful, the seeker feels the moral boost that God would definitely be the support for the right thing. Similarly when in an auspicious ceremony would like the God to be the calm provider of boons. In a spiritually elevated state, the choice would be the yogic form of God. The forms provide a basis for the Hindu worshipper to easily pursue the otherwise incomprehensible Supreme. So Hinduism supports both form as well as formless worship of the God. Whether one worships in saguNa or nirguNa way, it is ultimately the same God. http://www.shaivam.org/hipgodco.htm (saivism) Bhagavat Gita-Most Important Vedic Scripture Veda Base Hindus do not believe in Gods, in a plural sense. They believe in One Supreme God expressed in many forms. Hinduism is monotheistic! Vaishnavism, the largest Hindu denomination, subscribe to Vishnu as Supreme Brahman, and worship him alone. Also it is important to understand the difference between the Ultimate Supreme Godhead(Vishnu(in Avatar form)) or Brahman(formless God) and Devas. A Deva is the equivalent to an Angel in the Abrahamic tradition. Devas are subservient to the Supreme Lord Vishnu Brahman. Devas are gods, like Ganesha, Shiva, Durga, Indra, Hanuman etc... They are eternal servants to the Lord. But are not the Supreme Lord and Vedic scripture says that they shouldn't be worshipped. But of course people do anyways. That's why people view Hinduism as polytheistic. But Hinduism is purely Monotheistic at it's core. Devas in Classical Hinduism History of Vaishnavism Hinduism In English, the Sanskrit word Deva is usually translated as "god" (though sometimes left as "Deva"), which certainly gives a polytheistic appearance to Hinduism. Many Hindus say that this is a poor practice, because the best word for God in Sanskrit is Ishvara (the Supreme Lord). The Devas may be better translated as angels or demigods. They are celestial beings with supernatural powers, but also weaknesses. They grant material benefits to humans upon praying and sacrificing to them, though they don't carry the message of Ishvara to the humans as in Abrahamic religions (a category of such beings also exist, called "devaduta" or "duta"). Examples of such devas are Indra, Mitra, Ashvins, Varuna, etc. Buddhism and Jainism also use the word "deva", but in different senses. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angels#Hinduism The other major sects in Hinduism, besides Vaishnavism, are Smartism, Shaivism, Shaktism. Shaivism(or Saivism) is followed mainly by South Indians. They worship Lord Shiva as supreme and have their own scripture, besides the most popular Bhagavat Gita. Saivism All Saivism Edited April 3, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 3, 2007 Author #5 Share Posted April 3, 2007 Varnas -The four classes of society/The Original Caste System Hindu society has traditionally been divided into four classes, based on profession: the Brāhmanas (also anglicised as Brahmins): teachers and priests; the Kshatriyas: warriors, kings and administrators; the Vaishyas: farmers, merchants, herdsmen and businessmen; and the Shūdras: servants and labourers. Each of these classes was called a varna, and the system was called Varna Vyavasthā. Some say it is debatable whether the Varna Vyavasthā system is an integral part of Hinduism or not and whether or not it is strictly sanctioned by the scriptures. The Shruti texts make very rare mentions of this system, without providing explicit definitions. But the Bhagavad Gītā (4.13) explicitly mentions that the four varna divisions are created by Bhagavān, the Supreme Lord. And the Smṛiti texts (including the Manusmriti) are more explicit in their categorisation of the classes and framing rather strict rules about this system. During its early development, the social structure was based upon the profession. The Gītā (4.13) explicitly says that one's varna is to be understood from one's qualities and one's work, not one's birth. It is noteworthy that many great sages became Brahmins. Vishvāmitra was a Kshatriya king before he became recognized as a great Brahmin sage. Vālmiki, once a robber, became a great sage while Veda Vyāsa was the son of a fisherwoman. A hymn from the Rig Veda says : "I am a bard, my father is a physician, my mother's job is to grind the corn......" (Rig Veda 9.112.3). Though historians do not agree on the specific period, the social system later became hierarchical and based upon birth, leading to the evolution of several sub-castes (along with a class of outcastes — now known as Dalits — outside the Varṇa Vyavasthā) and the practice of social discrimination of the Shūdra and Dalit classes, eventually forming the caste system as we know of today. http://www.hinduwiki.com/index.php?title=M...nashrama_Dharma The religious institution of Varna-ashrama Dharma is followed in most Vaishnava Sects of Hinduism. Varna is simply an occupational structure for society. In varna there are four tiers Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Shudras. All are important for a functioning society. You determine your varna by your skills and ability. Not by birth or race. Brahmins are all religious clergy, gurus, saints, sadhus and the intellectual class(anyone with a Ph.D or graduates degree) etc......Kshatriya are the politicians, officers, soldiers etc....Vaishya are the business men, farmers, artists/painters/photographers etc... Shudras are the working class people to poor people. Those are the only four stations in varna ashrama dharma, there is nothing higher or lower. Whether a society labels these position the same or not , they still exist. Every functioning society must have these positions. In hinduism being in one of these stations doesn't carry any negative connotations. It's just something that exist. It's not race based or birth based, it's based on your skill/ability. That's not only fair it's practical, IMO. In Hinduism there is no Caste, but there is Varna, which is very different system. There is more mobility and evolution with varna ashrama dharma then there is with the static cultural implementation of caste system, which evolved from varna. But it's not the same system. Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 3, 2007 Author #6 Share Posted April 3, 2007 (edited) Religion, Migration and Wealth Creation in the Swaminarayan Movement 1 By Rohit Barot From 'The Transnational Family, New European Frontiers and Global Networks', Berg 2003 Although changes in the traditional nuclear forms of family are widespread in modern European societies, they are not necessarily universal or unilinear. In contrast to narratives on fragmentation and breakdown typically associated with modern family living, this chapter seeks to show how Indians retain an ideology of family in the context of migration in their adopted homes in the diaspora, increasingly forming transnational and globalized networks. One of the key factors that this chapter attempts to highlight is that the family cannot be treated in isolation from other social and cultural institutions. To explain the relative stability and the persistence of the South Asian family as an institution, it is necessary to examine the family in relation to two different levels of community formation. Although they may conflate in practice, social community based on caste or jati can be distinguished from a religious and sectarian community. Both at the level of caste or jati and at the level of shared faith, group formation is corporate and exerts considerable influence on those who, through their family, are embedded in a community of multiple affiliations. As the traditional nuclear family has given way to a whole range of different family forms from single parent to gay and lesbian families in European societies, it is useful to outline briefly the meaning that Indians attach to the word 'family'. In Indian languages that derive from Sanskrit, the words kutumb and parivar refer to an extended family consisting of a three-generation residential unit or a joint family typically consisting of a man, his wife and married sons. A nuclear family may be formed by a husband, wife and children sharing a common residence. The most important part of kutumb and parivar is the universe of kinship and affinity that gives a more corporate expression to a caste or jati collectivity. The embodiment of such a social community in a religious organization creates long-lasting social ties. It is the relationship or sabandh or rishta through which families create a community which, due to a shared belief system, leads to both a social and a religious community. This type of group formation is the focus of this chapter. Such caste and jati-based religious groups described here belong to the Swaminarayan movement. The caste and sectarian groups within this movement have become a part of the social structure of the Gujarat state and of Gujarati communities in their diasporic destinations including those in the UK (Barot 1980). To explain the way in which religious organization has made an impact on both migration and settlement it is necessary to trace the origin of these groups and their transformation into a movement consisting of a number of sectarian communities. The formation of the Swaminarayan sect and its gradual formation into different communities indicate a complex process that marks a social change that is typical of the colonial and post-colonial period. Changes in stratification open up venues for mobility. They also create unease between groups struggling for better opportunities and higher status. The tension generated in this process shows that evolving stratification systems are in flux and that contested and contradictory expectations are likely to develop in the family, between men and women and between different generations. The distance between parents, children and grandchildren is marked by tension as cultural differences grow between the primary and secondary generations who are experiencing less conventional Indian socialization. When such cultural differences manifest themselves within the family, they can create a communication hiatus and misunderstanding. Such changes can create solidarity for the achievement of goals but they can also create tensions that threaten the unity of the family. Needless to say, most Swaminarayan families contain elements of unity and division over a period of time. To highlight the significance of social cohesion and divisions in the Swaminarayan movement, it is important to situate its genesis in historical changes. This perspective shows that the initial Swaminarayan community is going through a process of segmentation and change that is common for a transnational religious movement. The migration of individuals and families within the Swaminarayan movement to East and Central Africa, the UK, the US and Canada and their economic success is conceptually related to divisions within the movement. In terms of this argument, this exposition illustrates that the families in the Swaminarayan movement have deployed their socio-cultural and economic resources to better the quality of their life in Britain where they have settled on a permanent basis. The interface of tradition and modernity is something that these families face as a critical challenge in relation to maintaining their religion, language and culture in their adopted country. This chapter focuses on the diffusion and segmentation process and assesses the impact of modernity and transnationalism on the formation of different Swaminarayan groups. Changes in gender and inter-generational relations are highlighted. The Historical Origin of the Movement In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Mogul Empire declined as Europeans competed for power and influence in India. From the beginning of the nineteenth century, the British emerged as the dominant power and introduced elements of Westernization to India, creating social change that brought tradition and modernity into a dynamic interrelationship (Srinivas 1966). One particular consequence was the movement of population. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Indians were on the move in the British Empire – a movement that created Indian communities in many parts of the world (Tinker 1974, 1976, 1977, Clarke, Peach and Vertovec 1990). The economic and political turmoil involved in India's transition from Mogul to British rule created uncertainties and insecurities, providing the backdrop for the development of the Swaminarayan movement. The Vaishnavite tradition of devotional worship, bhakti, had already emerged as a dominant religion amongst Gujarati Hindu merchant groups in Western India. Within this tradition, the Pushtimarg of Vallabhacharya 2 was a well-established sect (Barz 1976). Sociologists and anthropologists often associate the rise of a religious movement with a charismatic leader (Eisenstadt 1968). Hindu tradition is rich with stories of leaders with special qualities that appeal to followers, leading them to take whatever course of action may be prescribed. A traditional belief is that divine beings such as Rama, the hero of the epic Ramayan, or Krishna, a main character in Mahabharat, appear in human form when religious values decline. In the endless struggle between good and evil, it is their mission to restore moral values. The founder of the Swaminarayan movement, Sahajananda Swami, is often viewed in this way. Scholars such as Williams (1882) have suggested that the Swaminarayan movement developed as a puritanical reaction to moral decline associated with the practices of the Pushtimarg leaders. It is most likely is that people from a wide range of castes were attracted to Sahajananda Swami's puritanical charisma. However, nineteenth-century socio-economic changes created a whole set of new opportunities for groups at the lower end of the caste scale. Their success as landlords, farmers and merchants created social conditions under which they wanted to undergo what the Indian social anthropologist Srinivas (1966: 1–45) describes as 'sanskritization'. Srinivas identified this change as having an ideological element combined with political mobilisation and economic success. In this process, the aspiring lower caste groups emulated the behaviour of Brahmins or other dominant groups. As in other parts of India, in their desire to conform with the dominant groups and their ideology, many lower groups embraced the Swaminarayan movement, which initially ignored ascribed differences between individuals and families from different caste groups. Sahajananda Swami, a Brahmin from Utter Pradesh, arrived in Gujarat in 1800 (Fuchs 1965, Dave 1974). According to tradition, he completed his ascetic spiritual journeys and began building up a following in Gujarat. Many middle-ranking and lower-ranking groups joined Sahajananda Swami to receive salvation as well as to improve their ritual and social status in local communities. The sect and its organization expanded rapidly throughout Gujarat. Before his death in 1830, Sahajananda Swami declared that he was the supreme Swaminarayan, the highest deity for his supporters. By then his following had crystallized into a distinctive organization with jurisdiction divided into northern and southern regions at Ahmedabad and Vadtal respectively (Williams 1984). Sahajananda Swami adopted the sons of his two brothers and appointed them as hereditary heads, the acharya of the two regional seats. The acharya headed both the lay members as well as the male renouncers who preached salvation and took little interest in the material affairs of the sect. However, the accumulation of assets and their management, or mismanagement, as some were to allege, created differences resulting in disputes and court cases involving litigation about particular acharyas. In addition, according to the primary tradition of the sect, since Sahjanand Swami had declared himself to be the supreme Swaminarayan, it was this divinity who was the source of ultimate salvation. A number of leading renouncers began to claim that they also possessed divine charisma and were equally capable of granting final salvation. When these differences surfaced in public, the factions that broke away from the two main seats formed separate sectarian organizations. A unitary sect changed into multiple sects. For the purpose of distinguishing the original sect of Sahajananda Swami, it is useful to identify it as the primary sect and to distinguish the schismatic sects as secondary organizations. Those who follow the primary Swaminarayan sect of Sahajananda Swami view all the breakaway organizations as heretical or vimukh, an expression which literally means 'against the source'. They argue that members of the heretical organizations do not follow the sectarian precepts as laid down by Sahjanand Swami and therefore cannot legitimately use the designation Swaminarayan. However, the sects that have come into existence since their separation from the main body refuse to accept this and offer their own grounds for self-legitimation. The perception of differences between the primary sect and secondary organizations is sharp and forms an important part of sectarian self-consciousness. 3 The identity of each sectarian group has become a highly contested issue. Segmentation has given rise to a number of different Swaminarayan sects all of which are now represented in Britain. Opposition to the Ahmedabad acharya led to three splits: the Shree Swaminarayan Siddhanta Sajivan Mandal based in Maningar near Ahmedabad, the cult of Abji Bapa based in Kutch, and a dissident acharya who was excluded from hereditary succession and established his own independent seat at in Saurashtra. The acharya Vadtal also experienced splintering. Swami Yagnapurushdasji separated from the jurisdiction of the acharya in 1906 to establish Shree Akshar Purshottam Sanstha. The affiliation of women to a Swaminarayan sect was usually through the family. Women were expected to live within the sectarian jurisdiction as a consequence of desertion or widowhood. They pursued a path of ascetic devotion and were known as sankhyayoginis. When a layman within Shree Akshar Purshottam Sanstha recruited and initiated women as renouncers, his views were opposed by the established sects. He thus broke away and established the Yogi Divine Society concerned with the spiritual welfare of women. The society further divided along gender lines: Gunatit Jyot was established for women renouncers and the Anoopam Mission was set up to initiate men. Several renouncers from the Vadtal seat of the primary sect have also branched out on their own. Using the model of traditional Hindu schools called gurukul, they have established their own independent schools for children from Swaminarayan and non-Swaminarayan Hindu families. Although they do not formally identify themselves as a sect, as they have not established their own separate forms of worship and temples, they have a loyal band of followers. They accept the supremacy of Swaminarayan in the tradition of the primary sect. Migration and Transformation of the Swaminarayan Sect Sanskritization is frequently linked to changes in the socio-economic positions of groups as demonstrated in Indian anthropological literature. Land ownership, prosperity through cash crops, and the development of trade were sources of wealth creation for established groups. By the midnineteenth century, Gujarati merchants had created trading links with the Gulf and the East African coast, mainly in Zanzibar (Pearson 1976). Besides the seasonal migration of merchants within the Indian Ocean region, male heads of families who found themselves facing poverty and marginality often chose to leave their rural communities for urban settlements like Ahmedabad and Bombay from where they migrated to other areas of the British Empire, particularly East Africa. Gujaratis who settled in the Indo-Pacific zone from Fiji to East and Central Africa played an important part in the development of colonial economies. Their prosperity supported religious causes and sectarian institutions. In Saurashtra, a renouncer explained to me that the wealth that the East African Gujaratis created went into supporting the sect and building prestigious and magnificent temples in Gujarat and in East Africa. Settlement in East Africa played a vital part in the transnational consolidation of the Swaminarayan movement. As East Africa's Gujarati shopkeepers, buyers of primary produce and wholesalers proliferated and prospered, they formed temple-based sectarian communities. It could be argued that migration and the socio-economic advancement it created was a necessary condition for the elaborate and complex development of Swaminarayan sects within both East Africa and India. This argument is not economic reductionism but rather highlights the fact that economic advancement was necessary for the followers of the Swaminarayan to invest their resources in the religious sphere. The dynamic connection between economic and religious goals has intertwined serving to consolidate both the social and economic organization of sects within the movement. The story of East African Indian migration to Britain is sufficiently well known in the literature to require no detailed amplification (O'Brien 1972, Tandon 1973, Mamdani 1973, Humphry and Ward 1974, Twaddle 1975, Kuepper, Lackey and Swinerton 1975). However, the framework that takes into account facts of colonization and decolonization and the status of East African Asians as British citizens is crucial for grasping their further migration to the UK. In addition, some of the salient features of colonial stratification show that minorities like Indians were insufficiently integrated into wider British society to legitimate their claims for moral citizenship although they had legal citizenship. Although the Indians were a part of a colonial three-tiered black, brown and white racial pyramid in which they faced severe racial discrimination at the hands of British colonial officials, they tended to identify more with the dominant white rulers than with the Africans. The colonial stratification and the kind of separation it created between groups failed to provide a basis for multi-ethnic communities to develop in independent Africa (Morris 1968, Dotson and Dotson 1968, Ghai and Ghai 1970). Decolonization in the 1960s created uncertain conditions for Indians who saw that they were going to be unable to protect their privileges based on the colonial social structure. Political changes and the policy of Africanization that gave greater prominence to African aspirations adversely affected Indians. Many began leaving East Africa and followers of Swaminarayan sects came to Britain from this period onwards. As migrants they were not isolated individuals who had decided to settle in the UK. They departed from East Africa as families, relatives and friends with common settlement objectives. Their vision was not merely personal settlement but the settlement of their kin and the re-establishment of their religious organization, only this time in the UK. It should be noted that these families did not see themselves as victims of xenophobia, racism or exclusion in East Africa or the UK. Such a simplistic victim's perspective masks the kind of energy and human resources which families utilise to improve their social and material conditions in an unwelcoming environment. They were intent on turning adverse conditions to their advantage. In contrast to the single male migration of the 1950s from India and Pakistan, the East African Asian migration generally tended to be family migration. The politics of decolonization demanded that the families leave together, as was particularly the case with the expulsion of the Asians from Uganda in 1972–4. When Swaminarayan families came to Britain in the 1960s and 1970s, a shortage of housing compelled many to live in lodging houses either singly or with other families in the short term. They did not desire public sector housing, even if it had been possible. It would have made it almost impossible for them to recreate their residential sectarian communities. Although private sector housing was never free from discriminatory practices and market constraints, members of various sects were able to recreate quite rapidly residential communities familiar to them from their time in India and East Africa (Modood 1997). For example the Leva Kanbi Patels of Kutch, with whom the author spent two years in London in the 1970s, lived in their own Swaminarayan neighbourhood. This pattern applies not only to other caste and sectarian communities but also to other Indian groups such as Sikhs who live in close-knit communities ensuring daily face-to-face contact. The lodging house and the system of tenants, which were typical of the early years of settlement, have nearly disappeared and most families now own their own homes. When they first came to Britain, members of a sect would set up a small Swaminarayan shrine for personal and collective worship. In time, they moved from worshipping in a small room to a terraced house and finally to a large hall or an old church building converted into a temple. Construction of a proper temple in the traditional Indian style is the final step in the consolidation of such religious communities. From the late 1980s, the movement for the construction of temples has gathered pace in Swaminarayan sects. The followers of the primary Swaminarayan sect of Tejendraprasadji funded and supported the construction of a sikharbandhi mandir, a temple with traditional domes in Willsden in 1989. This was an important expression of their sectarian identity in spatial terms. In the 1990s, the followers of Shree Akshar Purshottam Sanstha brought about the most effective and successful mobilization of resources for the construction of a magnificent marble Swaminarayan temple in traditional style in the Neasden district of London. The followers of transnational links embracing Europe, Africa and North America formed a vital factor in creating the resources for this temple, which is one of the most impressive and imposing Hindu temples in the Western hemisphere. The fact that the followers as well as the wider British society view this temple as a Hindu temple (as distinct from a temple of a particular Hindu sect) has important implications for identification and identity. Census data on the ethnic minority population in Britain only provide statistical information about individuals born in each of the Commonwealth countries. Information about the number of people and the size of a religious community is a matter of informed guesswork. Knott and Toon (1981–4) estimate that there were 307,000 Hindus out of about 840,000 Indians living in Britain in the mid-1980s. Based on the British survey of ethnic minorities, Modood (1997) estimates that there may be nearly 325,000 to 350,000 Hindus living in Britain, the majority of whom are probably Gujarati Hindus. Fifty thousand men, women and children in the Swaminarayan movement is a realistic guess. In the US, Williams (1984) estimates there are 10,000 families or 35,000 people in the Shree Akshar Purshottam Sanstha and 10,000 in the Ahmedabad-based primary Swaminarayan sect. It is possible that there are more than a million Hindus belonging to this dynamic movement in Gujarat in India, the UK and the US. As Indian migration has spread geographically, the Swaminarayan movement has expanded since the mid-1970s both in the UK as well as in the US. 4 There are at least 15 or 16 Swaminarayan temples representing different sects within the movement. Now there are also extensions in Sweden and Portugal where small numbers of Gujarati Hindus have settled permanently. It is worth noting that now there are more than a million Indian Americans living in the US (Migration News 2000 and Williams 1988). Swaminarayan sects have consciously become globalised by setting up web pages on the Internet and providing up-to-date information for their transnational followers. Migration and Economic Mobility The economic and social backgrounds of the followers are varied and their work histories are complex. As migrants, only a small number of businessmen and women and middle-class professionals such as doctors, pharmacists and chartered accountants were successful in recreating their Indian or East African class position in Britain. In their initial entry into the labour market, most had to set aside their white-collar or professional aspirations and accept manual jobs as a temporary stepping stone to selfemployment or a profession. This meant going through a short-term process of proletarianization. Members of the family usually pooled their resources enabling the family to maximize its savings over the years. After investing in a residential property, they usually tried to move out of manual work into self-employment, concentrating on small-scale business enterprises to become self-reliant. This transition to self-employment accorded them a different class position and better material prospects. However, such a transition was by no means universally inevitable as large numbers of men and women had to continue with manual or white-collar salaried employment (Modood 1997). It was common for Gujarati families to suffer exclusion and marginality in the labour market. One example of a successful upward ascent was the Leva Kanbi Patels, who trace their origin to the Kutch part of Gujarat, and the Patels who come from the Charottar district in central Gujarat. These caste groups belong to different sectarian groups within the Swaminarayan movement (Barot 1987). The Leva Kanbi Patels achieved prosperity through cooperation and hard work based on their traditional occupation in building work and carpentry. They transferred these traditional skills to East Africa and entered the construction world as manual labourers. Gradually they were able to run their own construction firms and in time became successful entrepreneurs – a mark of success that was reflected in further consolidation of their sect, Shree Swaminarayan Siddhanta Sajivan Mandal. Not surprisingly, after their arrival in Britain, they started working on construction sites. Some were enterprising enough to establish small family firms that specialized in repair work in their own neighbourhoods. A family that I have renamed the Varsani brothers started out as a modest enterprise jointly operated by several brothers. They were highly experienced builders in East Africa before entering the construction industry in Britain in the 1960s. Their poor command of English and their unfamiliarity with construction work in Britain put them at a disadvantage at the outset but they were keen workers and quick to learn new skills. Many were able to use their contacts with the foreman on site to recruit fellow sect members and nurture them until they had acquired the skills and levels of performance that British construction work demanded. Besides their paid work for big companies, the brothers also bought and repaired properties. Once they had accumulated enough capital, they started buying derelict, run-down properties to refurbish and sell in north London's booming property market. They made good profits and established themselves as a large firm by the 1980s. Further success enabled them to move out of the local residential domestic property market and they began to tender for contracts to renovate high-rise apartments and hotels throughout London. When I met the brothers ten years after my initial fieldwork, they confirmed that their business was a multi-millionpound enterprise. The story of their success was a matter of great pride for the entire community, which benefited from their generous donations for various projects of a religious nature. The Varsani brothers are noteworthy but by no means unique. Numerous Gujarati families have become successful in trade, commerce and industry and many are in the Swaminarayan movement. The Charottar Patels in London also provide a remarkable example of a community that has been able to find a successful niche in shopkeeping, as recently documented by Patel and Rutten (1999) in their study of this community in Gujarat and London. Besides owning retail businesses and corner shops selling newspapers, confectionery, tobacco and groceries, the Patels have also moved into a wide range of well-paid professions. Gujarati Lohana Hindus have also followed a similar pattern throughout north London. Both communities have had close links with Shree Akshar Purshottam Sanstha and their contributions to the temple community have remained a vital part of the prosperity of the transnational sectarian movement. According to Sikshapatri, a text that Sahajanand Swami compiled to regulate the conduct of his followers, each member of the sect should contribute either a tenth or a twentieth (dasmo-vismobhag) of his or her income to the sect. The ability to contribute a large amount of cash is both meritorious and prestigious and offers salvation of the highest kind. The above-cited examples and press coverage given to individual entrepreneurs 5 creates the image of Indians as successful and wealthy people. However it needs to be stressed that not everyone is well off. Semiskilled and unskilled men and women have suffered from long-term unemployment and disadvantage, especially in less prosperous towns in the north-west of England. Donations by wealthy Indians to their sects act as a symbolic leveller in economically divided communities. While perpetuating the value the community places on entrepreneurial success, they ease social tension that is inherent in a process of economic advance in which all do not participate equally. Making money and spending it on religious and social organizations is regarded as a virtue. With respect to the entry of Indian women in the labour market, the traditional stereotype that Indian women stay at home and bring up children bears little or no relation to reality. Women in all the Indian communities known to the author have some rural or urban work experience. Leva Kanbi Patel women often worked on farms doing arduous manual work in their villages and East African Asian women played a decisive role in running small shops, an experience that they have successfully redeployed in Britain, however unacknowledged it may be. Most importantly, Indian women brought up in the UK have entered a wide range of professional sectors of the labour market. Indian women are still homemakers but they are also active partners in increasing family income, often ensuring that their children receive an education at expensive private schools. Settlement, Social Conservation and Change Migration and economic change are key factors in the successful settlement of Swaminarayan sects in Britain. Somewhat paradoxically the dynamic of the movement is lodged in conservation of many Indian social values, which must be shared amongst family and community members for the movement to flourish. This section examines the tensions embedded in a religious movement premised on geographical mobility and economic success, which must retain a core of social values that can be traced back to rural Gujarat. Members of the sects recognize the positive value of their migration outside India but they continually stress the hard work and group endeavour that allowed them to reach their current economic position. For example the Leva Kanbi Patels trace their origins back to Kutch and their work as kadiya builders. To reinforce their awareness of their origins and the long struggle to their current position in British society, most sects organize special visits to the headquarters of their sect and their own towns and villages in Gujarat. These trips are organized like Hindu pilgrimages to sacred places. The visitors are afforded the opportunity to renew their ties with relatives and to establish their own social presence in their local communities of origin in India. In pursuing such interests, members of the Shree Swaminarayan Siddhanta Sajivan Mandal deposit large amounts of money in banks in their villages to buy land and to build modern, comfortable houses. They also send donations for various village projects like the construction of clinics and schools. Continuity and change mark the kind of institutional organizational framework that the followers of the Swaminarayan sects have created in Britain. In establishing their communities and temples, they have achieved their aim to preserve and sustain their identities as Hindus of the Swaminarayan movement. Their keen commitment to religious salvation is not merely a sectarian matter. It is also partly a consequence of their adaptation to life in Britain. Living in Britain has both positive and negative sides. Although they have new economic opportunities and a better life in Britain, it has also exposed them to social tensions. Unavoidably, many British cultural practices clash with their traditional perspectives. While South Asians in Britain may face personal and institutional racism imposed on them by the wider society, they also have to contend with internal strains within the movement, and even within families. Growing class differences between Swaminarayan sects constitute a focus for strongly held views as to which sect is the most legitimate expression of the divinity of Swaminarayan. Those who are born and brought up in Britain and have been exposed to a more egalitarian cultural ethic may find that they no longer share the norms of hierarchical esteem embodied in the family and the community. Traditional gender inequality in some Indian castes and sects can be a source of deep unease, especially for young Indian women educated to expect equality but having to cope with strict patrilineal codes of behaviour. The pattern of gender segregation that is traditionally prescribed has come under increasing pressure to give way to more egalitarian norms. Intergenerational tensions erupt when youth defy patrilineal decision making over their education and occupational careers. Higher education for the community's youth tends to be guided towards 'respectable professions'. The unwillingness of young men and women to accept their family traditions of business or work may create serious dislocations between generations. Generational differences also emerge with regard to the clash of traditional non-egalitarian and youth's egalitarian gender norms. The possibility of acute conflict cannot be avoided on vital issues such as who one should or should not marry. The tradition of endogamy is a source of deep anxiety and tension, especially for young women who come under great pressure to preserve the status quo. In extreme circumstances of inter-generational gender conflict not only does violence lurk in the background but in rare cases a family may even murder a disobedient daughter in order to save its honour. Although Gujarati Hindus are less likely to resort to extreme forms of violence, the author recollects one instance in which a brother killed his sister in a Gujarati Hindu family as she was meeting a boy from outside the community. More recently, The Times 6 reported the murder of a 19-year-old Muslim girl, Rukhsana. Although she was married, she had a lover who had made her pregnant. The family had suffered such a degree of dishonour in Derby that her brother and her mother killed her and were subsequently jailed for life, clearly illustrating the passion with which some communities regard virginity, sexuality and honour. Generally, intergenerational conflicts lead to a gradual transformation of traditional norms to accommodate the emergence of less traditional practices or outright rejection of less democratic and authoritarian conventions. In dealing with these intractable issues much is at stake and families and communities feel compelled to minimize alienation that can undermine the family and the community. The conservation of traditional social values is also challenged by a growing lack of awareness of one's cultural heritage. Pocock (1976) highlighted the problems of sustaining the literary and linguistic inheritance of the movement. The extent to which a knowledge of Gujarati is a necessary precondition for understanding salvation is a moot issue in all Swaminarayan sects. Translating main religious texts into English is an adaptive response to the need of British-born followers and English as the main language of communication among the young is tacitly accepted. However, leaders stress the importance of Gujarati and organize classes that operate with varying degrees of effectiveness (Logan 1989). Looking at sects like the International Society for Krishna Consciousness, leaders believe that transition into English is not necessarily going to result in diminished commitment to the Swaminarayan. In view of the strong pressures to conform to traditional social values and resulting intergenerational dislocation and alienation, some young men and women may see breaking away from their caste and sectarian communities to lead their own individual lives as an attractive option. During my fieldwork, there was one example of total breakdown in the relationship between a father and his son. The father's violence towards the son eventually brought about intervention by the social services and removal of the child from his home and his eventual unwillingness to associate with his family and the sectarian community. However, it ought to be emphasized that such instances are infrequent. At the same time, it is also equally important to recognize that they occur in circumstances of stress that spark or exacerbate discontinuity between a person, his family and his community. Youth rebellion and individualist paths are tempered by the external force of racism, and especially the climate of intimidation, harassment and violence that the young face and that causes them to develop a community-based defensive posture. For example, adverse social and political conditions in the East End of London have transformed the youth into a highly militant and political segment of the local Bengali community (Carey and Shukur 1985). Articulated in different ways and to different degrees, the expression of such a political sentiment is increasingly common among the young. Back to top Conclusion The economic and social history of the Swaminarayan movement and its geographical dispersal over four continents has necessarily been schematic. I have attempted to demonstrate how economic change and social continuity have been accommodated in the movement. The movement has been characterized through time by segmentation on the basis of charismatic patriarchal leadership. It has often thrived in the face of political hostility. Currently the movement faces generational and gender tensions that may challenge the patriarchal leadership of the community and the family. There are still, however, hostile external forces acting on the movement and that provide a counterbalancing need for unity. In this way, the Swaminarayan movement remains intact and flourishes, challenging modernist sociological theory, which conceptualizes social change as a unilineal transition from holistic communities to more particularized communities to self-centred optimizing individuals. http://www.shikshapatri.org.uk/~imagedb/content.php/rmwc Edited April 5, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 3, 2007 Author #7 Share Posted April 3, 2007 (edited) Diwali Annakut 2006 -Houston, TX http://www.swaminarayan.org/news/usa/2006/...hotogallery.htm Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #8 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) Diwali Annakut 2006 -Chicago, IL Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #9 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) Edison, NJ : Diwali Annakut 2006 Atlanta, GA : Photo Gallery: Diwali Annakut 2006 Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #10 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) Los Angeles, CA : Photo Gallery: Diwali Annakut 2006 Toronto, Canada : Photo Gallery: Diwali Annakut 2006 http://www.swaminarayan.org/news/uk/2006/1...akut/photo1.htm Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #11 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) Boston, MA: Photo Gallery: Diwali Annakut 2006 http://www.swaminarayan.org/news/2006/index.htm Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #12 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) Fresno, CA: Photo Gallery: Diwali Annakut 2006 Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #13 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) continued.... Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #14 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) continued... Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #15 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) continued... http://www.swaminarayan.org/news/uk/2006/10/diwali/index.htm Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #16 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) India Celebration: Amdavad http://www.swaminarayan.org/news/2006/10/w...akut/india1.htm Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
Fluffybunny Posted April 4, 2007 #17 Share Posted April 4, 2007 Hi there, I am really glad that you have started this thread to spread information on your beliefs, but I would like to point out something... You have added so much material and photos that you have pretty much overwhelmed anybody who looks at this thread, and the dozens of hot linked photos make the page jump about for so long that it makes it really difficult to read as the page scrolls again and again when the next photo adds... It is also complicated by the fact that anyone who has anything less that DSL is going to take an eternity to download. I would like to recommend that perhaps in future topics to create an intro that is informational yet allows for a discussion, also uploading the photos rather than hotlinking allows for a reduced thumbnail size that is much friendlier to readers; so far this thread leaves no room for conversation; it is more like a Wikipedia entry, which isn't appropriate here as the entire goal of this forum is to have discussions about topics. Can you understand my point? Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #18 Share Posted April 4, 2007 (edited) fixed. 'Maha-Shivratri' Celebrations at BAPS Shri Swaminarayan Mandir, London http://www.swaminarayan.org/news/uk/2007/0...ri/photos_1.htm Edited April 4, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 4, 2007 Author #19 Share Posted April 4, 2007 BAPS Shri Swaminarayan Mandir, Neasden, London http://www.swaminarayan.org/news/uk/2007/0...ll/photos_1.htm Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
Avinash_Tyagi Posted April 4, 2007 #20 Share Posted April 4, 2007 One thing to note is the four major Sects tend to draw heavily from the Vedanta school of Hindu philosophy Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 5, 2007 Author #21 Share Posted April 5, 2007 One thing to note is the four major Sects tend to draw heavily from the Vedanta school of Hindu philosophy Thanx. I forgot to mention that. Also under the sub-branch of Vedanta, Swaminarayan Sampraday is VishishtAdvaita Vedanta. Vishishtadvaita was propounded by Ramanuja. Swaminarayan Sampraday was the sect established by Bhagwan Swaminarayan (April 2, 1781 - 1830) Bhagwan Swaminarayan was handed the leadership of the Uddhav Sampraday (later known as Swaminarayan Sampraday) from his Guru Sadguru Ramanand Swami, to continue and to propagate the teachings and philosophy of Vishishtadvaita, which originates from the Ramanuja Sampraday. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swaminarayan_Sampraday Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 5, 2007 Author #22 Share Posted April 5, 2007 (edited) Why the name Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS)? Answer: The first mandir of the organization was established in Bochasan, a small town near Anand in the state of Gujarat in India hence the word Bochasanwasi, which means based in Bochasan. The words Akshar Purushottam signify our basic belief in worshiping God, Purushottam, along with his ideal devotee, Akshar. Shri is an adjective used as a prefix to a name to give respect, such as Shri Mohandas Gandhi. Bhagwan Swaminarayan is the God (Purushottam) worshipped by BAPS followers, and His name is part of the organization's name. Sanstha is the Sanskrit word for organization. Thus, the name Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS). http://kids.swaminarayan.org/thingstoknow/27to30.htm Edited April 5, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 5, 2007 Author #23 Share Posted April 5, 2007 (edited) (29) The main beliefs of our Sanatan Vedic Hindu Dharma. Ans: 1. Sanatan Hindu Dharma is the oldest religion in the world. 2. Sanatan Hindu Dharma is based on the Vedas. 3. Our main incarnations and deities are: Bhagwan Swaminarayan, Shri Ram, Shri Krishna, Brahma, Vishnu, Mahadev, Ganapati, Hanuman, Surya. Main goddeses: Parvati (Durga), Sarasvati and Lakshmi. 4. The main beliefs are: Avatarvad: (Incarnation of God on Earth;) Karmavad: (there are consequences of all actions good or bad;) Punarjanmavad: (reincarnation of soul according to karma;) murti-puja: (worship of idols.) 5. Our scriptures: Four Vedas, Upanishads, Ramayan, Mahabharat, Purans, Shrimad Bhagvad Gita, Vachanamrut, etc. http://kids.baps.org/thingstoknow/hinduism/29-32.htm#30 Edited April 5, 2007 by gita Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 5, 2007 Author #24 Share Posted April 5, 2007 What is Akshar Deri Introduction The symbol of Akshar Deri on the home page of www.swaminarayan.org is the trademark of Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Sanstha. The Akshar Deri is a holy shrine that commemorates the cremation spot of Aksharbrahma Gunatitanand Swami who was the choicest disciple and first successor of Bhagwan Swaminarayan. According to the Vedic principle of Bhakta and Bhagwan, Gunatitanand Swami is revered as the ideal Bhakta and Swaminarayan as Bhagwan. Akshar Deri is visited by hundreds of thousands of people from throughout the world. Devotees offer prayers, prostrations and perform circumambulations for spiritual elevation, fulfillment of mundane desires and relief from miseries. It is a divine and holy place of pilgrimage in the Swaminrayan Sampraday. On 23-5-1934 Brahmaswarup Shastriji Maharaj, the 3rd successor of Bhagwan Swaminarayan, built a beautiful 3-shikhar mandir above the Akshar Deri and consecrated the murtis of Akshar and Purushottam. The history of how the Akshar Deri and the mandir was built and its glory and significance in as follows. http://www.swaminarayan.org/aksharderi/index.htm Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
celina Posted April 5, 2007 Author #25 Share Posted April 5, 2007 Divinity of Akshar Deri Holy charanarvind of Bhagwan Swaminarayan and Shri Akshar Purushottam Maharaj and Guru Parampara in Akshar Deri A poor Patel in Gondal earned his living by selling lemons. In the afternoon he would walk one mile from the town to rest in the serenity of the riverbank by the Akshar Deri. He was aware of the sanctity of Akshar Deri. The fact that the old Swaminarayan School had given it on hire to a person of the Khoja community who grew onions on it worried him. He wondered when would the divine place be developed. Once, while he was going towards Akshar Deri he saw a radiant 16-year-old ascetic. The Patel bowed at his feet and asked, "When will this place get developed?" The ascetic, who was Shriji Maharaj himself, replied, "Patel, don't worry. In a few years time there will be a three-shikhar mandir here. Thakorji will be offered thal and the mandir will have golden kalashas. This place will become divine and will inspire miracles." Then the ascetic disappeared. Patel was amazed and pacified by the incident. A couple of years later when Shastriji Maharaj had started building the mandir the Patel narrated the incident of the divine ascetic. There was a blacksmith in Gondal who went every evening for darshan at the Ashapuri Mata mandir. On returning home he would always see three balls of light descend upon Akshar Deri. A few years later when the excavation work for the mandir pillars was going on he told Shastriji Maharaj about his experience and asked him as to what the three balls of light were. Shastriji Maharaj replied that Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh came in the form of light to have darshan of Akshar Deri. One night, during the mandir construction project in Gondal, Yogiji Maharaj was sleeping near Shastriji Maharaj. In the middle of the night a black cobra bit Yogiji Maharaj on his left index finger. Everybody in the room got up. Shastriji Maharaj immediately instructed, "Take Jogi to the Akshar Deri and chant the dhun." Yogiji Maharaj had become unconscious because of the powerful venom. While the dhun was being chanted Shastriji Maharaj placed his hand on Yogiji Maharaj's head. At 4.00 a.m. Gunatitanand Swami appeared to Mohan Bhagat, who got up from his sleep, and told him that nothing would happen to Jogi. Mohan Bhagat then went to Shastriji Maharaj and narrated what Gunatitanand Swami had told him. When Bhagvatsinhji Maharaj came to know of this he sent word to Shastriji Maharaj that he was sending a doctor. Shastriji Maharaj said that there was no need because Jogi would get well by the power of the Swaminarayan dhun. After 12 hours Yogiji Maharaj became conscious. Yogiji Maharaj was saved by the divine power of Akshar Deri and blessings of Shastriji Maharaj. http://www.swaminarayan.org/aksharderi/divinity.htm#divinity Link to comment Share on other sites More sharing options...
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